Penulis: Agus S

Construction is booming in Somalia's capital city and as Mogadishu literally rises from the ashes of its violent past it is also giving unexpected opportunities to women like Fathi Mohamed Abdi and Saadia Ahmed Omar.

The two young female engineers have been overseeing the construction of a 10-floor apartment complex in Taleh in the city's Hodan District.

Wearing hard hats they navigate their way through construction material, issuing instructions to a team of workers – all of whom are men.

"When I started, people doubted me," 24-year-old Ms Abdi, the chief operating officer of Arkan Engineering Services, a Somali-owned construction company, tells the BBC.

"They would ask, 'How can we trust a house built by a woman? How can I trust my money and property with a young female engineer?'"

She and her colleague Ms Omar have been practising engineers for the last five years.

"Mogadishu needs us," says Ms Omar, who is also 24. "When I was young, this city was in chaos. Now, we are part of its reconstruction."

Somalia, a former Italian colony, has experienced a prolonged period of civil war after the government of President Siad Barre collapsed in January 1991.

Even now, scars of decades of war are still visible – like in the central district of Shangani where there are bombed-out buildings. But the ruins are becoming hidden or replaced by tall office complexes and apartments, and a skyline dotted with cranes and scaffolding.

Both young women were born during the civil war and grew up witnessing their country fragmenting. While many Somalis chose to leave, they stayed, driven by a passion to rebuild, despite the fact that an insurgency was being waged by al-Shabab, a group linked to al-Qaeda.

"I think part of the reason women are getting more chances in this field is because there's so much work to do, and not enough professionals to do it. That creates space for us," Ms Omar says.

Ibrahim Abdi Heyle, chairman of the Somali Engineers Association, agrees the high demand for skilled professionals is leading to change – even if slowly in Somalia's traditionally male-dominated society.

"With numerous ongoing infrastructure, energy, and technology projects, the workload has significantly increased. As a result, the association actively encourages greater participation from women, emphasising that they are not only welcomed but also vital in filling critical gaps in the workforce," the 34-year-old says.

"The association believes that empowering women in engineering not only helps meet the growing demand but also brings diverse perspectives and innovative solutions to the industry."

According to the office of the mayor of Mogadishu, over the last five years, more than 6,000 buildings have been constructed, marking a significant change in the city's landscape.

"Security in Mogadishu has improved, leading to an increase in high-rise and commercial buildings," says Salah Hassan Omar, the mayor's spokesperson.

Nonetheless it has not been an easy path for Ms Abdi and Ms Omar as only 5% of engineers are women – and they often find opportunities for mentorship are scarce.

"When I applied for internships, most companies rejected me," Ms Omar recalls. "They didn't think a woman could handle the physical demands of engineering. I searched for three months before someone finally gave me a chance."

Today, the two are among the most recognised female engineers in Mogadishu, having overseen more than 30 multimillion-dollar projects.

"The city is now home to taller buildings and modern infrastructure, a stark contrast to the Mogadishu of the past," Ms Abdi says proudly.

But not everyone is pleased with the transformation. Veteran architect Siidow Cabdulle Boolaay laments the loss of the city's historical character.

"The buildings that once graced Somalia before the war were not only beautiful but also attracted attention due to their Italian-style architecture, which was rare in Africa at that time," he tells the BBC. "The urban planning of Mogadishu was highly structured."

Mr Boolaay also has safety concerns: "The sand used in Mogadishu's buildings is salty, which undermines its effectiveness."

Sand from Somalia's long coastline is often used to make cement – a practice that is generally discouraged and, in many circumstances, restricted by international building standards because the high salt content can cause the corrosion of steel.

"These tall buildings are not designed to withstand fire or heavy rain, and safety for the tenants is not considered during development. Many of these buildings lack fire extinguishers and proper electrical installations," he adds – visibly disappointed.

He is wary of the pace at which buildings are being constructed, which he says is compromising quality control.

For years, there were no regulations, leading to concerns about their structural integrity.

Mr Omar, from the mayor's office, admits this was the case until three years ago – and says nothing can be done about those buildings.

But he insists there is now "quality control and nobody will build a building without it".

"We are [also] preparing new laws that will clearly define where high-rise buildings can be constructed and where only residential houses should be built."

Yet there are worries that while regulations are in place – there are often no follow-up checks because of the speed of the building boom.

Ms Abdi and Ms Omar, who graduated from Plasma University Mogadishu's faculty of civil engineering, say under their firm all their projects have been approved by the local authorities.

The rapid growth of construction projects has been attributed to diaspora investments as well as improved security – although Islamist militants who control large swathes of southern Somalia still target the city.

According to the World Bank, remittances made up 16.7% of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) in 2022 – something that has given opportunities to architects and engineers.

But the rapid urbanisation has also exposed Mogadishu to infrastructure challenges – it lacks a proper sewage system and unregulated borehole drilling risks depleting groundwater reserves.

Christophe Hodder, a UN climate security and environmental adviser, warns that the unchecked construction boom could lead to long-term environmental consequences.

"We need a co-ordinated approach to water management, or we risk a crisis in the future. Each new building is digging its own borehole… in a small space, there could be 10 or 20 boreholes," he told the BBC.

The government, in partnership with international organisations, is working on a new sewage system, but its implementation may require demolishing existing buildings – a controversial move that could displace residents and businesses.

Mr Hodder adds that there is a high population density in Mogadishu – people driven into the city by drought and conflict.

An increase in the urban population, especially in slum areas, might further increase poverty and social disparities, he says.

Despite these challenges, Mogadishu's future looks promising. The city is striving to implement urban development regulations, improve infrastructure and ensure sustainable growth.

Even the bombings by the Islamist armed group al-Shabab – whose fighters tend to target plush hotels often occupied by politicians – does not dent the enthusiasm of the Somali Engineers Association.

Mr Heyle admits it can be upsetting for architects and engineers whose buildings are destroyed but notes that Somalis have become resilient – especially those studying engineering.

"A lot of explosions happened; our dreams did not stop on that. Today we are reviving the engineering profession, which collapsed 30 years ago. That means there is hope."

And the ambition is that in five years, Mogadishu will not only be a modern city but also a model post-conflict reconstruction.

"I believe Mogadishu is a different city compared to the 1990s; the city has changed to a new style, and Mogadishu's development is in line with the new world," says Ms Omar.

"When I walk through the streets and see buildings I helped construct, I feel proud. We are not just building structures; we are building hope."

Ms Abdi agrees, adding: "We are proving that women can not only design buildings but also lead projects and shape the city."

Go toBBCAfrica.comfor more news from the African continent.

Follow us on Twitter@BBCAfrica, on Facebook atBBC Africaor on Instagram atbbcafrica

On a normal weekend, MPs might try to snatch a bit of downtime, or squeeze in a game of pin the tail on the donkey at a constituency summer fete.

Ministers might be ploughing through documents in their red box, or rehearsing the next round of "lines to take" – the rough scripts circulated around Whitehall so they all say more or less the same thing whenever they are near a microphone.

Yes, it's as deliberate as it is maddening.

Instead, this weekend, as buildings burn in Tehran and Tel Aviv, the government is staring at a crisis. Another one. A moment that has big implications for the world's security and stability, as well as how we pay our way.

Only 48 hours after the chancellor -who'll join us tomorrow- carefully carved out how she wants to spend taxpayers' cash for the next few years, Israel struck Iran, Iran hit back, the oil price surged, and the government's emergency committee was scrambled.

No government can stop the rest of the world "going crazy", as one City source described it. But now, they added, "we have multiple genuine global crises", when even "one shock is enough to shift the goalposts".

"There do genuinely seem to be more crises," a senior Labour MP tells me.

Governments always have to deal with the universe as they find it, not the world as they wish it to be. But what confronts Labour might have most of us hiding under the duvet, and the sheer number of dangers seem to be multiplying.

A senior Whitehall figure suggested there were moments in the Cold War that were "more perilous", but the problems then were "more simple – it's so complicated now".

Abroad, conflicts rage – most notably, the years' long face-off between Israel and Iran that has exploded into a deadly and direct phase this week, and a belligerent Russia fighting war on the edge of our continent.

India and Pakistan have been squaring up to each other too, and China is jostling for dominance. The government has already promised it will spend more – a lot more – on protecting the country in the face of all those threats. Remember, they have not told us where the cash is going to come for that in the long term.

But don't forget our supposedly most trusted ally in the White House is flirting with a different kind of war, a trade war, by slapping on, then taking off, then slapping on costly tariffs on exports.

At home, ministers will also still gladly describe many aspects of the UK as dire, and remind you the state of government was even worse than they expected when they walked into government nearly a year ago.

They talk about a prisons "crisis", a housing "crisis", the "broken" NHS, as well as the climate "crisis". The list goes on.

This week'sSpending Reviewwas designed to be their big answer to those problems. Tens upon tens of billions of pounds of taxes and borrowing for public services and long-term projects, like rail lines and power stations.

The chancellor's allies reckon the big review went down pretty well. It has not, as of yet, created any new political problems at least.

"The biggest fear on a day like that is that it all unravels and that hasn't happened," a government source said, sighing that No 11 has avoided an ominshambles, an embarrassing row over taxing sausage rolls or a serious breach in their friendship with business.

Despite enormous amounts of spending, money will still be painfully tight in some parts of government. But insiders reckon Reeves' plans have given Labour backbench MPs things to boast about – note the number of specific towns given a long-term project and a name check in the chancellor's speech.

But there are other tricky trends the government is less fond of pointing out, that others call "crises" – notably the country's debt, and our shifting demographics.

In short – the debts are massive, there are more older people to look after and fewer proportionately of working age to pay to support them – profound long-term problems that will pile more pressure on the bill for the nation's health and welfare bills. And few mainstream politicians would currently suggest allowing more workers from overseas to come to the UK to change that equation.

"No politician will tell it as it is," a former minister worries privately, arguing that none of our leading politicians are being open about the coming strain on our existing economic model.

"We're not yet in a doom loop – but we need to wake up."

Sir Keir Starmer would likely object to the comparison, but another senior figure suggested, just as former Conservative PM Boris Johnson believed in having his cake and eating it, that Labour is trying to have it all. They said the government "isn't addressing the fundamentals – we can't deal with debt, defence, and growth while having over half the state going towards the NHS and welfare, it doesn't add up".

The ledger will certainly be even harder to balance if the outburst of violence between Iran and Israel becomes a lasting conflict. Not because of decades of regional agony, but the brute effect on the oil price which could ultimately feed through to higher prices for everyone and more strain on the economy.

Rachel Reeves is already short on cash for a rainy day. If the conflict is prolonged, those potential tax rises in the autumn might well arrive. But rather than panic publicly, government sources point to the rising price of oil as another reminder that they are making the right decisions at home – like planning new power stations.

"We need resilience to navigate short term crises," they said.

The source also recalled the "Oh my God moment" when Trump introduced the world to his surreal tariff scoreboard, saying the UK had put itself in a far better position to navigate turmoil than its predecessors.

A former senior minister also credited the PM's political positioning towards the White House. It had involved what they described as a "sickening amount" of sucking up, but meant that "in practical terms, they are probably as in as good a position as anybody".

The prime minister's allies also point, with some legitimacy, to Sir Keir's intense efforts to make like a statesman, trying to coordinate action on Ukraine, and patching up some of the UK's fraught relationships with European allies.

But there is no doubting this is a fretful moment, with adversaries and conflicts around the world and deep-seated problems at home. Labour has zealously talked up its appetite to reform everything in sight, to respond to the gravity of the situation it inherited.

The prime minister is certainly visibly busy on the world stage, again at the G7 this weekend. Labour is pumping significant amounts of extra cash into public services. But it's fair to wonder if their actions so far really match the scale of the promises they made to "rewire" the country, and the ever more fraught situation they face on so many different fronts.

When you hear politicians talk of a time of crisis, you might well ask, which one?

BBC InDepthis the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.

Sign up for theOff Air with Laura Knewsletter to get Laura Kuenssberg's expert insight and insider stories every week, emailed directly to you.

The road to Dover, Delaware, is lined with barns and giant wheat fields and all the other signs of American abundance.

But on this journey, the scene only highlights the devastating contrast between peace and war.

We're driving here because in this rural heartland lie clues to what's behind a highly contested development thousands of miles away on the ground in Gaza.

The new US- and Israeli-backed entity created to feed the territory, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), was registered here in Delaware two weeks after US President Donald Trump took office.

Little is known about the group, which has been at the centre of global headlines amid scenes of chaos and deadly incidents nearly every day as desperate Palestinians have tried to reach its sites.

Eyewitnesses recently reported Israeli forces firing on crowds heading to an aid site. Israel says it is investigating while also accusing Hamas of trying to sabotage the operations.

The GHF said on Thursday that eight of its local Palestinian workers were killed when Hamas attacked one of their buses.

And in the latest deadly incident, at least 15 Palestinians were killed on Saturday by Israeli fire, local hospitals said. The Israeli military said troops fired warning shots at a group they believed posed a potential threat, and an aircraft struck one person who moved towards them.

On our journey in Delaware to find out more about the GHF, the search yields many clues but few definitive answers.

GHF established itself saying it intended to feed civilians in Gaza, where the United Nations has said more than two million people are at risk of starvation.

The foundation, which uses armed American security contractors, bypasses the UN as the main supplier of aid in Gaza.

Critics see the GHF as enabling a plan by the Israeli government to displace Palestinians south into smaller areas of Gaza.

But Israel – which has long sought to remove the UN as the major humanitarian provider to Palestinians – argues the alternative system was needed to stop Hamas stealing aid.

Hamas denies that, while the posture of the previous US administration of President Joe Biden was that if supplies were being diverted, it was not at any scale that possibly could justify blockading aid to Gaza.

In March, Israel cut off all food and other aid supplies to Gaza as it resumed its war against Hamas following a two-month ceasefire. Israel said the step, which has been widely condemned, was taken to pressure Hamas into releasing the remaining hostages.

The UN and aid groups demanded access, while international condemnation of Israel grew.

In the midst of this standoff emerged the GHF, promoted by Israel and championed by the Trump administration.

But virtually nothing was known about its provenance and, crucially, who was funding it.

In early May, a 14-page leaked document circulated among aid groups and journalists.

It set out the concept behind GHF – to provide aid to Palestinians from several collection super-hubs in Gaza, secured by armed private contractors and ultimately, beyond their perimeter, by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

The initiative appeared to be designed to bypass the UN as the major provider.

Among the executives or advisers listed in the document were Nate Mook, a former boss of the charity World Central Kitchen; David Beasley, a former World Food Program chief (listed as "to be finalized"); and Jake Wood, a US Marine Corps veteran and disaster-response expert.

It also listed a retired US lieutenant-general on its advisory board.

But by phoning around those who knew some of the background, it became clear that neither Mr Mook nor Mr Beasley was in fact part of the foundation.

The document appeared to be a wish list to try to build support and possibly private donations for the fund.

There were no clues as to the authorship of the leaked text, however. So who was really running the GHF?

Jake Wood did indeed become the executive director, but within a fortnight he resigned saying the project breached the humanitarian principles of "humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence", which he said he would not abandon.

In our search to find out more, we pull up in Dover's quaint downtown. A woman in costume is giving a guided history tour. This is a place you come to hear about wars past not present.

We drive to the address listed in a public records search for the GHF. It's a red brick building with wooden doors and no doorbell. Inside, in a corridor, two women emerge from an office. They try to assist but say they can't help because they don't know anything specifically about GHF.

The address is in fact an agent for incorporating firms – registering them legally – in Delaware, a state known for a less intrusive approach to company transparency.

I ask the women why an organisation would have its registered address here, but not be based here.

"So they're not bothered," says one with a smile.

We're back on the road, and I send some messages to the spokesman of the GHF, a newly appointed role that is being undertaken by a US-based public relations professional.

I've been asking for days for an on-the-record interview with him, or the new executive director. I've asked for confirmation about who is funding GHF and who else is on the board, but nothing is forthcoming.

Such an apparent lack of transparency for a humanitarian group is a "critical" issue, says Bill Deere, Washington DC office director for the UN's Palestinian refugee agency UNRWA.

His agency has been the core focus of the Israeli government's attempts to sever the relationship between the UN and Gaza's population, and it was this year banned from operating in Israel.

Mr Deere says: "For folks who like or dislike the UN and its agencies, you can always track our money.

"We're very transparent about where our funding comes from. By contrast… no-one really knows very much about this [GHF]."

He describes the new aid project as "a Hunger Games distribution network", a reference to a dystopian fiction saga.

Mr Deere is calling for the UN to be allowed fully back into Gaza to get food aid to Palestinians again professionally, and at scale.

"I do not know, I cannot fathom, as a UN employee or even as an American, how the world can accept this situation," he adds.

Other UN agencies and aid groups have escalated their criticism of the GHF project.

They believe the GHF is breaching the fundamental humanitarian principle of independence.

In other words, they argue that if aid providers working in a conflict are seen as taking a side, those workers and the aid recipients risk becoming targets.

They say the GHF has militarised the aid supply, endangering civilians who also have to cross front lines to get to the distribution sites, while disadvantaging the weak and sick.

For its part, Israel alleges that UNWRA is not neutral. Last year, after accusations made by Israel, the UN fired nine staff out of UNRWA's 17,000-strong workforce, saying they may have been involved in the October 7 attacks.

It didn't specify what they were accused of, while UNRWA says the initial claims have still not been proven. In the Gaza war, according to the agency, at least 310 UNRWA workers have been killed, the vast majority of them by the Israeli army.

I press Bill Deere, of UNRWA, on Israel and GHF's criticism, that Hamas was diverting aid under the UN system. He says Israel has never offered proof.

"This is just a made-up excuse in order to create a system that looks like it's helping people without actually helping people," he says.

As we continue our search to find out more about GHF, I make my way to the official Delaware state building that holds company records.

Our team has requested GHF's certificate of incorporation and other linked documents. A woman who works in the records office hands us three pages stapled together.

They reveal only the address of the agents we've just visited, and that the GHF changed its name from the "Global Humanitarian Fund" to the "Gaza Humanitarian Foundation" on 28 April.

It's signed "Loik Henderson, President".

According to the leaked May document, Mr Henderson is a lawyer "with decades of experience [including] Fortune 500 companies". We try to reach him by phone, but get no response.

The next day, a statement arrives from a GHF email address, which isn't attributed to any named press officer and contains no numbers to reach its media operation.

It says the foundation has given out 19 lorry loads of food that day.

The UN system was getting in 600 per day during the ceasefire. For a population of more than two million people, the current daily amount is clearly nowhere near enough; borne out by images of an apocalyptic scene as desperate crowds have descended from barren, sandy dunes over fences into one aid site this week.

The email contains a section entitled "inaccurate news reporting", having earlier in the week heavily criticised media organisations for "fabricated and exaggerated narratives".

The foundation has distanced itself from the series of deadly incidents, saying no-one was shot at its sites.

GHF executive director John Acree is quoted in the email as saying the foundation has so far given out 8.5m meals "without incident". The BBC can't verify the accuracy of GHF's measure for the number of meals in each of its food boxes.

Last Saturday, the GHF controversy deepened as one of the world's top consulting firms, Boston Consulting Group, said it had sacked two partners for their role in helping to set up the foundation.

The chief executive apologised to staff saying the group was "shocked and outraged" that the two senior employees had carried out unauthorised work on the project.

Alex de Waal, an expert in famine and aid supply in war at Tufts University in Massachusetts, likens the concept currently being rolled out in Gaza to colonial-era counter-insurgency attempts.

"The thinking of the military as they mount operations like this is that they will be able to deny all resources to an insurgent group, forcing its members to surrender through hunger and forcing a civilian population to turn against it," he says.

Israel strongly rejects any suggestion it uses hunger as a weapon of war. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has previously said Israel "must avoid famine [in Gaza], both for practical reasons and diplomatic ones".

Israel has also rejected mounting international criticism of the GHF project.

And it has denied allegations in the Israeli media, and raised by opposition leader Yair Lapid, that the Israeli government has secretly funded GHF.

Netanyahu's office says Israel and the US are working in co-ordination "to cut off aid from reaching Hamas", as he escalates Israel's offensive in Gaza, arguing that "military pressure" will help force Hamas to release the hostages it holds.

He adds that "Israel does not fund the humanitarian assistance to the Gaza Strip".

The US government has also said it is not funding the foundation.

Back on the road, we try to reach the GHF executive director John Acree, a former US government humanitarian official.

Last month, contacted via LinkedIn, he told me he would not be doing interviews, but did later put me in touch with the foundation's new spokesman, who has so far declined any on-the-record comments.

On Wednesday last week, a woman at Mr Acree's home told me he was currently in Tel Aviv.

The foundation also emailed a press release saying that it had appointed an executive chairman, Reverend Johnnie Moore, a Christian evangelical preacher and public relations executive.

Mr Moore is a strong supporter of Israel and was among President Trump's evangelical "advisory board" of faith leaders who laid hands on the president and prayed for him in the Oval Office.

In a Fox News website article, Mr Moore launched a scathing attack on the UN system.

"Activists disguised as humanitarians clutch their pearls and rush out press releases in support of these failed systems," said Mr Moore.

"They keep spreading with no scrutiny the profane lies of Hamas."

We return to Washington DC after our searches in Delaware.

My phones buzzes with a message from a colleague saying thousands of hungry Palestinians have looted an aid truck in central Gaza, as desperation over food shortages mounts.

Meanwhile, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation released videos of Palestinians thanking President Trump behind the wire fences of its distribution sites.

Politics has become a main ingredient of Gaza's aid – but we find few real answers about who's really behind it.

Additional reporting by Alex Lederman

The talents of the world's best footballers can often leave those watching speechless.

But for decades, Tony Jones has been putting them into words for audiences around the globe.

Goalmouth scrambles, furious bust-ups and matches played in sub-zero temperatures: the veteran TV commentator has seen it all.

His career has taken him from cub reporter at the Chester Observer to being the voice behind some of the World Cup, Premier League and FA Cup's most iconic moments.

Among the broadcasters he has worked for are Sky Sports, UEFA and Premier League Productions, which streams the English top flight around the world.

But now the 67-year-old from Suffolk has hung up his microphone, having ended on a high covering the UEFA Champions League final on 31 May.

While many commentators forensically record the details of each match they cover, Jones does not.

"How many games have I commentated on? I haven't got a clue," he admits.

What he does recall is his first football reporting shift: a fixture at Chester City in the 1970s.

They came more regularly when he joined Anglia Television, ITV's station in the East of England.

Jones was first deployed as a TV commentator for Ipswich Town's 2-2 draw with Wolverhampton Wanderers in December 1995.

For Jones, who spent 40 years living in Norwich, it has all been a blur since.

"I know some commentators do keep lists of the games they've covered, but I tend to park it and move on to the next one," he says.

"If you're prepping for Bodø/Glimt and Roma on a Thursday, and then you've got to look at Aston Villa versus Brentford on a Saturday, you can't really spend too much time dwelling on what's gone on before."

Some games do live long in the memory, though.

Jones remembers the rush of watching Southampton striker Shane Long score the fastest goal in Premier League history -at 7.69 seconds- in April 2019.

He also recalls Norwich City'sremarkable comeback against Middlesbroughin January 2005 as one of the most thrilling games he watched.

"There are some players who make you take notice of what they can do, too," adds Jones, a Wrexham fan who moved to Lowestoft in 2021.

"As a Welshman, certainly Gareth Bale for his outstanding pace.

"I saw Messi play when he was 17 and you could see then he was an outstanding player.

"[Cristiano] Ronaldo always had the ability to produce big goals on big days; big occasions."

Jones insists commentators are privileged to have "the best seat in the house", but one stadium holds a special place in his heart.

"I've always loved Goodison Park," he reveals, referencing the stadiumthat will no longer host senior men's football but will be the new home of Everton's women's side.

The ground's TV gantry is notorious for theprecarious journey across its roof to access it.

Jones says: "That was an experience in its own right, but it was always such a great position to view from and the atmosphere was always special.

"These days, the needs of TV probably override everything else and the commentary positions will be discussed between the architects of the new stadium and the TV companies.

"But clearly for somewhere like Goodison, that was very different. They weren't thinking about that in the 1890s when they built that stand."

Jones is less keen on the London Stadium, home of West Ham United since 2016.

"It's just not really a football ground," he says. "You tend to be a long way back from the action.

"I wonder if West Ham will look back and regret the decision to move there. It certainly lacks the atmosphere of the old Upton Park."

There have been plenty of other "strange ones" over the years, Jones says.

"The old Doncaster Rovers ground, Belle Vue: you had to watch from behind the goal.

"I might as well have been looking at a TV monitor in the studio for the value of watching the game from that angle."

Sometimes getting to the ground has been the problem for him, however.

A trip to Blackburn Rovers to covertheir fixture against West Hamwas thrown into chaos when heavy snow caused the cancellation of his flight from Norwich to Manchester.

Braving the elements on the A14 instead, Jones took a call from Premier League officials.

"They said 'Is this game going to be on?' and I said 'Not a chance,'" he says.

"But when I got to Ewood Park, it was a green oasis. It was remarkable how the pitch had been cleared.

"They decided to play it, despite the temperature being -5C (23F)."

As for his commentaries, Jones says: "I'm sure there have been numerous occasions when I've got things wrong.

"When the ball is bouncing around in the penalty area, there might be two or three players on the ball at the same time and you might not know who gets the final touch in.

"But experience tells you to buy yourself time; to just say the goal has been scored and then wait for the replay."

Nothing could have prepared Jones for the challenges of working during the Covid-19 pandemic, however.

Grounds were closed to fans as football limped through the end of the 2019-20 season.

Jones says he was fortunate to be among a select few broadcasters who could still attend matches, but that it was a "surreal" environment.

"It was difficult for us because we need the noise of the stadium," he explains.

"I'm sure for the players as well it must've been very difficult to find the same motivation that they would've had with a big crowd.

"That extra 0.01% that maybe gets them over the line, that gives them the opportunity to take on a defender and beat a defender."

Jones insists the role of commentator remains vital, despite the rise of influencers and YouTubers hosting watch-along events.

He hopes his work helped listeners around the world understand the value of the job.

"You occasionally hear people say 'I'd rather watch the game without commentary,'" he sighs.

"Well, if you tried doing that I think you'd lose so much."

But it is a role Jones is now preparing to walk away from.

He could not have ended his stellar career in finer fashion, though, watchingParis St-Germain thrash Inter Milan 5-0to become champions of Europe for the first time.

It is one of many happy memories that he will hold on to in the next chapter of his life, to be spent travelling with his wife and doting on their six grandchildren.

Jones insists: "It's not really a job; I've always said this.

"It's a fun thing to do and it's even better to be paid for it, certainly for someone who's had a love of football since a child."

He is quick to stress the job is not a simple one, though, with "a lot of hard work" going into it.

"I've had a good career, a long career that I've enjoyed so much of, but the time is right to go on and do other things."

Follow East of England news onX,Instagramand Facebook:BBC Beds, Herts & Bucks,BBC Cambridgeshire,BBC Essex,BBC Norfolk,BBC NorthamptonshireorBBC Suffolk.

Becoming a new dad can be significantly impacted by the amount of paternity leave available to fathers, anda report published this weeksuggests UK dads fare poorly compared to what's on offer elsewhere in Europe.

BBC News spoke to dads in different countries about how much time they can take off work after the birth of their children – and how that's changed fatherhood for them.

When Jamie's daughter Kiara was born three years ago, he says it was "incredibly difficult".

"I had to watch my partner struggle looking after our child," Jamie says. "The biggest thing I remember was the crying. My daughter clearly needed support and my wife was noticeably struggling and exhausted."

A few weeks after Kiara was born, Jamie's mother-in-law flew from Zimbabwe to support the family, because Jamie was only entitled to statutory paternity leave.

Rules in the UKallow new fathers and second parents in full-time employment to take up to two weeks off work. That applies to all partners, regardless of gender, after the birth, surrogacy or adoption of a baby, but not those who are self-employed or dads earning less than £123 a week.

Those eligible receive £187.18 a week, or 90% of their average earnings, whichever is lower. This works out as less than half of the National Living Wage.

Jamie, from Ashford in Kent, says the statutory pay "was frankly pennies".

He and his partner are now expecting their second child, in August – something they began saving for before Jamie's wife Zanele even fell pregnant.

Jamie says his "frustration" about paternity pay led him to attend the world's first "dad strike" earlier this week, when fathers from across the country protested outside the government's Department for Business and Trade in Westminster.

"Seeing things change relatively recently in other countries… why are we not keeping up?" Jamie says.

For Octavio, spending four months at home with his daughter Alicia has made "a tremendous difference".

He split his paternity leave into two parts – six weeks – which was mandatory -immediately after Alicia was born, and the remaining 10 weeks when his wife went back to work.

"The extended quality time with Alicia allowed us to develop a strong bond that I believe wouldn't have formed as deeply otherwise," says Octavio, a computer engineer from Seville.

Over the past few years, Spain has increased the amount of time given to new fathers. In 2019, dads were entitled to five weeks off work. But from 2021, that was extended to 16 weeks at full pay, including for those who are self-employed. There is no cap on the salary paid. It means parental leave is now equal between mums and dads in Spain.

"These changes have truly made a significant difference," says Octavio.

France has also made progressive steps on paternity leave in recent years.

Antoine is an architect who lives on the outskirts of Paris, and has benefitted from the changes. When his son Thibault was born five years ago, Antoine, who works full-time, was entitled to two weeks paternity leave.

But in September 2020 paternity leave in France doubled, meaning Antoine got four weeks off work when his second child was born in 2023.

"It allowed me to support my wife and children," he says. "Fathers should be allowed to be more present during these family life periods that enrich all relationships and allow them to fully take their place as full-time parents."

France's paternity leave rules mean dads – including those who are self-employed – must take a week off work immediately after their child is born. Pay is covered by the employer for the first three days, but after that is state-funded.

The remaining 21 days, which can be split into two chunks, are optional and can be taken anytime within the next six months. Pay is capped at €3,428 (£2,921) a month.

André, who was born in Portugal and spent nine years living in England, says the prominent role played by dads in Denmark was one of the first things he noticed when he moved there.

"You see dads strolling around with their kids and young babies," André says. "I was like: 'Wow, I'm not used to this.'"

Dads in Denmark, including those who are self-employed, can take up to 24 weeks off work at full pay by the state.

After eleven weeks, the remaining 13 can be transferred to the birth partner if wanted, so they can use them as extra maternity leave. One of the parents can postpone up to 13 weeks of parental until their child is aged nine.

André decided to split his parental leave – taking two weeks immediately after his baby Miro was born and saving the remaining 11 weeks – so he can look after his nine-month-old son when his partner returns to work.

"In Denmark, it's expected that the partner is more present," André says. "You're not only connecting with your child, but you want to develop the family as a whole together."

Dads with full-time jobs in Poland are entitled to two weeks of paternity leave. But unlike in the UK, the salary is paid at 100%, which Kamil says was "great".

Shortly after his daughter Marianna's first birthday, Kamil took another nine weeks of non-transferable parental leave, which must be taken in the first year. This is available to both parents, as long as they are employed, and is paid at 70% of a full-time salary.

"For many families, the 70% nine weeks is very low," Kamil says, "but… when I took the leave my wife started going back to work. I earned 30% less, but she started earning more, so it was beneficial for our family."

Kamil says those extra nine weeks alleviated a lot of "stress" as his wife transitioned back into work after a year off on maternity leave.

"I was confident," Kamil says. "I felt as though I was doing a good job – and my daughter felt good with me."

Mattias, from Stockholm, says comforting his three-month-old son is "the best feeling I've ever experienced".

Mattias is able to take advantage of one of the most generous paternity leave policies in the world. Parents in Sweden, including those who are self-employed, can share up to 480 days of parent leave, with 90 days reserved specifically for each parent.

Ringfencing time off for dads was first introduced in Sweden in 1995, with the introduction of a "daddy month" – 30 days just for fathers. This use-it-or-lose-it model increased to 60 days in 2002, and 90 days in 2016.

The first 390 days for each parent are paid at 80% by the government, up to a monthly salary cap of SEK47,750 (£3,590). After that, there's a daily statutory compensation of SEK180 (£14).

Mattias took six weeks off when Otto was born and will use another nine months of parental leave from November.

"We could share the load in the beginning when everything was new," Mattias says. "Those six weeks allowed us to be parents together – that made a huge difference. "

Some companies, both in the UK and abroad, pay out of their own pocket for enhanced paternity leave policies beyond the statutory minimum. But research from 2023 showed just 12% of fathers from low-income households had access to their full entitlement of employer-enhanced parental leave and pay.

Alex Lloyd-Hunter, co-founder of The Dad Shift, says "money is the single biggest barrier" to dads taking time off work and wants the government to fund better paternity leave for all dads.

A report, published this week by the Women and Equalities Committee (WEC) said statutory pay in the UK was "completely out of kilter with the cost of living". It suggested the government should consider increasing paternity pay to 90% or more and paternity leave to six weeks in a phased approach.

The report also looked at shared parental leave, introduced in 2014, which allows parents to share up to 50 weeks of leave and up to 37 weeks of pay after the birth or adoption of a child. The review found many families considered it "unnecessarily complex". It is used in fewer than 2% of all births and a report from 2023 suggests almost half (45%) of dads were not even aware shared parental leave was an option.

"We know the parental leave system needs to be improved," a spokesperson for the Department for Business and Trade said, adding the government would review maternity leave, paternity leave and shared parental leave.

They also pointed to changes which mean dads will soon no longer have to be employed by a company for 26 weeks to be entitled to statutory paternity leave.

A woman who struggled with anorexia said she had to delete TikTok to protect her health after "skinnytok" flooded her feed with "damaging" weight loss advice.

If you have not heard of it, "skinnytok" is a controversial side of social media where people promote weight loss tips focused on restrictive eating with the aim of being "skinny".

TikTok recently blocked the search for the termbut Eve Jones, 23, from Cardiff, said, despite it being a step in the right direction, it "scratches the surface" on a larger issue – which people can find a way around.

TikTok said it continued to restrict videos and blocked the search as it became linked to unhealthy weight loss content.

Despite the ban, many videos promoting "skinnytok" which do not use the hashtag are still available on the app.

As someone who has been in and out of hospital since the age of 13, Eve said the search ban was "too late" as the messaging was already out there.

Eve has removed herself from the platform as she said users promoted "detrimental and disordered" eating and she was worried about the impact it was having on younger people.

"It's almost a compulsion to watch it. There is a self-damaging part of eating disorders where you try to access this," Eve said.

"Once you interact with one post like that, your feed is flooded with it so quickly."

Letter accents and numbers can also be used to disguise damaging hashtags, Eve said, so content was still "very easy" to access.

"I'm lucky to be in a position where I have had my treatment and I know how to avoid my triggers, but people on the other side of this won't be aware of that."

The trend has seen a resurfacing of diet culture compared to that of the 2000's, with supermodel Kate Moss's "nothing tastes as good as skinny feels" frequently quoted as a source of inspiration.

Other controversial quotes include: "You're not a dog, you don't deserve a treat."

Eve said she blocked certain words from her social media feeds, including TikTok and X, but the videos still appeared.

Many users insist people should avoid consuming the content if it is harmful, Eve said, or come off social media, but she argues it was not that simple.

"Anyone who is actively searching 'skinnytok' is either not going to recognise what they are doing is unhealthy, or they are not going to seek help about it," she said.

The word skinny has become a buzz word online, Eve said, with many promoting extreme weight loss under the guise of having "healthy" self control and willpower.

"There is a lot of denial in having an eating disorder," Eve said, adding that people often were not aware the content was damaging.

Her anorexia spiralled from clean eating she believed was healthy.

"The videos are encouraging people to take up habits I spent the last seven years trying to overcome," she added.

"I don't know if I have a friend who hasn't struggled with their food at some point, even if it's not a diagnosed eating disorder, it's affecting a lot of girls on social media.

"I personally don't think anyone needs to know what someone eats in a day, it's a comparative thing."

Eating disorder charity Beat surveyed people with eating disorders in 2022 about their experiences online and 91% of respondents said they had encountered harmful content which could fuel eating disorder thoughts and behaviours.

In 2024, popular TikTok user Liv Schmidt was banned from the platform over her controversial weight loss posts, with many viewers reporting her account for "triggering" language.

Known for "what I eat in a day" and "skinny girl essential" suggestions, Ms Schmidt was accused of "rage baiting" to boost her profile views.

Tilly Short, 21, from Cardiff University, champions body positivity but said it was concerning as a lot of teenagers relied on social media for information.

There is a constant pressure online, Tilly said, and despite trying to adjust the way she interacts with content so it does not appear on her feed, she said it was "almost impossible" to avoid.

"You should take everything you see on social media with a pinch of salt. A lot of content creators are not qualified, they are not health professionals."

Research from University College of London found people aged 10-24 who used social media sites were potentially at risk of developing image concerns, eating disorders and poor mental health.

Alexandra Dane, lead researcher, said social media platforms enabled young people to constantly compare their appearance to others, which can "encourage young people to view themselves as objects that should be judged based on their appearance".

Ms Dane described it as an "emerging global public health issue" and called for more recognition, funding and research to ensure the education and early identification of at-risk individuals.

Tom Quinn, a spokesman for eating disorder charity Beat, welcomed the ban of "skinnytok" but said TikTok and other social media platforms "must now take steps to ensure their platforms are free of all harmful content".

Mr Quinn said people would often find workarounds to content blocks and there will still be damaging content that is not under the hashtag.

"While social media will never be the sole and direct cause of an eating disorder, we know it can make things worse for those already at risk," he said.

"It's important to note that some people who create this kind of content may be unwell themselves, so it isn't intended maliciously."

TikTok said the platform offered a number of wellbeing resources as well as "strict rules against body shaming and dangerous weight loss behaviours".

It added: "The platform regularly reviews its safety measures to address evolving risks.

"We continue to restrict videos from teen accounts and provide health experts and information in TikTok Search."

If you or anyone you know have been affected by any of the themes raised in this article, help and support is available onBBC Action Line

Listen to this article on BBC Sounds

We are driving at speed through the green hills of rural Hertfordshire. Through the passenger seat window, large elegant houses flash by. Each front lawn is neat, each hedgerow well-kept. It looks like England from a storybook – but this part of the country is actually on the frontline of a relatively new (and some might say divisive) approach to crime prevention.

In the driver's seat is Robert, a guard employed by Blueline Security. His car is painted with blue and yellow stripes, meaning it looks a lot like a police car. Inside there's a walkie-talkie, a first-aid kit, and a Belgian Malinois dog called Bella (given similar training to a police dog, I'm told).

But Robert – who wears a bullet-proof vest and carries a pair of handcuffs – is careful to point out that he is not a real policeman.

"The more keen eye will realise that this isn't a police car," he says as he flicks his indicator. He points out that they follow the regulations on vehicle markings designed to distinguish police cars from other cars.

"But it looks similar enough where criminality will see it at a distance and think, 'Let's maybe not go there'."

Blueline is one of a handful of "private policing" firms that have emerged in recent years. It has operated mostly in wealthy enclaves of southern England since 2019 and, for a fee, its team of ex-police or ex-army guards can patrol villages, looking for burglars and car thieves. Robert, in fact, spent 14 years working in the police force.

Various similar businesses have sprung up around the UK in recent years, including My Local Bobby, which was founded in 2016 and now has almost 150 security guards, as well as a fleet of cars.

According to some customers who spoke to the BBC, this fills a gap left by the real police, who they claim they no longer trust to turn up promptly to a 999 call in their villages.

To residents who can afford these firms, they are a "lifeline", as one customer tells me. But to others, they represent an affront to the values on which British policing was founded; a step towards a country in which the wealthy get better access to law enforcement than the poor.

One former senior figure in the Metropolitan Police says she fears the emergence of a "two-tier society".

So, with pressures on real police growing, is there room for private firms to help ease the load – or do so-called "private bobbies" blur the lines between police and profit?

The firms offering "private policing" that I've spoken to say that demand for their services has risen.

According to a paper published last year by criminologists from the universities of Sheffield and Brunel, the UK's private security industry grew substantially between 2008 and 2021, with an increase in revenue and in the number of licensed security guards.

And, according to the Home Office, the number of real police officers in England and Wales fell most years from 2009 onwards, reaching a low of about 122,000 in 2017 – before ticking back up, to about 147,000 last year.

The study's co-author, Dr Matteo Pazzona, a Senior Lecturer in Economics at Brunel University, describes a shift in policing from the "public to the private" realm. Whilst most UK security guards work in shops and other businesses, his data does also signal a rise in the sort of residential work carried out by private firms, he says.

There are lots of reasons why the security industry might have grown over this period. But David Spencer, a former Detective Chief Inspector at the Metropolitan Police, thinks that private firms could be filling the gaps left by police.

"If you've got money and you don't feel that the police are effective, then it's no surprise if you decide to use your resources to keep your family safe," he says.

Until the 19th Century, protection from crime was largely a privilege enjoyed by the rich. Wealthy people employed "thief takers" to guard their property, whilst ordinary folk had to make do with volunteer watchmen, who focused on the more basic task of keeping order.

That changed when Sir Robert Peel, the then home secretary who later became a Tory prime minister, started London's Metropolitan Police – Britain's first modern, professional force funded from general taxation.

He instilled in the force several principles that can still be reeled off from memory by many constables today: being visible in the community; treating members of the public equally, regardless of wealth or social standing – and perhaps more important than all: policing with trust.

Now, some worry that trust is being undermined.

Most burglaries and car thefts go unsolved. A YouGov survey from last month found that 50% of adults in Great Britain held "not very much confidence" or "no confidence at all" in their local force – up from 42% in 2019.

The government's police inspector, Andy Cooke, said in a report in 2023 that confidence in police "hangs by a thread" (although his report last year noted some improvements).

Mr Spencer, who is now head of crime and justice for the centre-right Policy Exchange think tank, says demands on police time have risen dramatically. Online fraud has shot up in recent decades, and police have recognised the need to tackle issues that were once considered "private" (like domestic abuse and sexual violence). And police resources are failing to keep up pace, he says.

This, he thinks, helps explain the interest in so-called private police.

Laura (who didn't want to share her full name) signed up for private security to patrol her road a few weeks ago, after a spate of burglaries in the area. She lives in rural Hertfordshire with her husband and one of her three children.

She already had CCTV installed and, on the night that her neighbour was burgled, it showed a gang of masked men sitting on her garden chairs. "You can see them looking at the camera, and they've seen it's zoomed in on them. And then they went."

Her neighbours held a meeting; about 40 households decided to subscribe to a private firm. Each pays £1,500 per year. In return, guards patrol the area daily. Laura says she can call a guard at any time.

"I don't think we can afford to be confident that [the police] would get here in good time," she says.

However, private guards have no more power than a member of the public. The aim for many is not to catch or restrain criminals but to act as a deterrent.

Jamie Strickland, a former soldier who founded Blueline, stresses that he does not regard his business as a replacement for the police and argues that even a perfectly-resourced force would struggle to reach remote areas of the countryside.

"The police can't be everywhere all the time," he adds.

But a spokesperson for the National Police Chiefs' Council says they remain "resolutely committed" to attending the scene of crimes, and that all English and Welsh police forces now aim to attend a property following every burglary report.

They added that private firms "should not replace or supplement police and it is for properly trained officers to intervene when a crime has been committed".

The question, though, is whether so-called private police firms signal the emergence of an unfair two-tier system, in which the wealthiest can pay to be better protected from crime.

This is a concern for Parm Sandhu, a former chief superintendent at the Metropolitan Police who left the force in 2019 and has since written a book about her experiences of prejudice.

"If you're living on a council estate, you cannot afford to pay for policing," she says. "Does that mean you deserve to be burgled, sexually assaulted, or mugged? No you don't."

She argues that the correlation between falling police numbers and an expanding private security industry signals something "totally wrong".

Andy, who also lives in rural Hertfordshire, near Laura, and employs a private security firm, has his own feelings on this. "I look at it and say, 'It's £1,500 a year, I'm lucky I can find that,'" he says.

But he argues that not everyone who uses the service is wealthy. "You watch the CCTV [of burglaries], you feel worried for your family." The expense, he adds, is worth it for that reason.

Ms Sandhu points out that the police-like appearance of some of these security firms could be confusing. "If you've got somebody who's under the influence [of] drugs or alcohol, they will look up quickly and think, 'Oh, this is a police officer'," she says. "It's really important to have that differential between police officers and security guards.

"Members of the public [could] go to them thinking they're talking to police officers, and take their advice."

Which raises the question of what, exactly, private guards can do. The companies I speak to are clear that their staff can restrain somebody they suspect to be a criminal, only in the same way that any member of the public can, a power commonly known as a "citizen's arrest".

And it comes with risk. Under English and Welsh law, a citizen's arrest can only be used for an "indictable" offence – a serious crime tried at the Crown Court. You cannot use a citizen's arrest for a lesser "summary" offence (tried at the magistrates' court).

In the heat of the moment, it may be difficult for a guard to judge the difference – and if they get it wrong, they could be guilty of a crime themselves.

There are also questions about accountability. Police forces are inspected by the Government's Inspectorate of Constabulary; if a serious complaint is made against a constable, it will be investigated by an independent regulator.

Few such tools of accountability exist for private firms – other than having their licence revoked by the Security Industry Authority.

But Martin Gill, a criminology professor and the director of Perpetuity Research, a security consultancy, points out that in shopping centres and hospitals, the "majority of policing is undertaken by private police forces" (in other words, security guards). Most of them, he argues, do a "very good job".

In his view, when a private firm starts operating in a residential area, the local police force should engage.

The founder of My Local Bobby, David McKelvey, says he now has a "good relationship" with police forces, after a rocky start. "There was a lot of reticence [from the police] in the first place, but now they're starting to see the benefit of [our service]," he claims.

He would like police to work closer with firms. "At the moment, there's a reticence still within policing to sharing information [and] intelligence. Often that information is absolutely vital for us to do our job."

The College of Policing has said police forces should only share intelligence under strict circumstances.

Ultimately, the sort of work carried out by 'private bobbies' is a tiny fraction of the real police work carried out across the country. But whether more residential communities will in future opt for the private model depends largely on whether the police are able to restore public confidence, says Mr Spencer of Policy Exchange.

"If it doesn't, then I think it's inevitable we will see more people […] turning to private providers," he says.

Back on the road with Robert, midway through his patrol, his radio buzzes. A customer has called: a horse is loose and wandering in a country lane. Within minutes, he has driven there and helped return it to its field.

It's not quite Starsky & Hutch, Robert concedes, but it's an insight into the sort of work they do. And yet, he admits, there are limits.

He recalls one shift, on an April night this year, when he drove along a country road in his patch and saw a car that looked like it was being used for drug dealing.

"If they've had drugs and they're behind a wheel, that's a summary offence – I have no power to deal with it," he says.

Instead, he sat in his car and called the real police.

BBC InDepthis the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.

A man has suffered serious injuries after a vehicle fell from a multi-storey car park at London Luton Airport.

Emergency services were called to Car Park One shortly before 11:00 BST.

An airport spokesperson said "one person has been taken to hospital for further assessment".

Bedfordshire Police said its officers, along with ambulance and fire crews, were still on the scene.

The vehicle involved is understood to have fallen from an upper level of the car park.

BBC reporter Helen Mulroy said it appeared to be on its side and wedged against the side of the car park building.

A crane was being positioned above it.

In a statement, the airport said: "Arriving vehicles are being redirected to the airport's mid-stay car park until further notice.

"There is no disruption to wider airport operations."

Chris Smith, who had just landed at the airport from Spain, said it was "shocking" to hear what happened.

"Hopefully the chap is OK and things are all right for him," he said.

"You don't expect to hear that when you return."

Frank Brown was told his vehicle had been relocated to the mid-stay car park upon returning from Barcelona.

He said: "There was no information about what the incident was. They said it was an incident but they didn't go into specifics."

East of England Ambulance Service sent a number of crews to the site.

"An ambulance, an ambulance officer vehicle, a rapid response vehicle, the Hazardous Area Response Team and the Beds and Herts Critical Care Scheme were sent to the scene," a spokesman said.

Bedfordshire Police urged any witnesses to contact the force.

Follow Beds, Herts and Bucks news onBBC Sounds,Facebook,InstagramandX.

Maria v Anisimova – Best shots from Queen's Club women's singles final

Tatjana Maria completed an incredible run from qualifying to the title as she beat Amanda Anisimova to become the first women's champion at Queen's for 52 years.

The 37-year-old German confounded the American world number 15 in a 6-3 6-4 victory.

It capped an astonishing week for the mother-of-two, who dropped just one set across seven matches in nine days.

She has beaten four top-15 players over the past five days, including reigning Australian Open champion Madison Keys.

Such is Maria's longevity that she made her professional debut just a few days before the 23-year-old Anisimova was born.

Maria threw her arms into the air in disbelief as a wide Anisimova forehand confirmed her victory before the two shared a warm hug at the net.

She then darted over to celebrate with Charles, her husband and coach, and their two children – although youngest daughter Cecilia appeared to have slept through the match in her pushchair.

Boultucanu & home comforts – how historic Queen's unfolded

Raducanu outclassed by Zheng at Queen's

How to follow Queens & Nottingham across the BBC

After writing "Queen of Queen's" on the camera lens, Maria told BBC Sport: "When we arrived here my little girl said 'wow, that's a nice trophy' and I said 'OK, let's go for it'.

"In the end I've won it – it's incredible. Everything is possible if you believe in it.

"You go your way, doesn't matter what it is, but you have to keep going. It's amazing."

This was thefirst women's tour event at Queen's since 1973, with Wimbledon beginning on 30 June.

Maria, who turns 38 in two months, is the oldest WTA Tour champion since Serena Williams won the Auckland title in 2020.

She has said she wants to continue until she has played doubles with eldest daughter Charlotte, who often hits with her on the practice courts.

A surprise Wimbledon semi-finalist in 2022, Maria has a game made for a grass court – but even she could not have thought her week would pan out like this.

She arrived in west London on a nine-match losing streak. She leaves as the champion, having moved from 86th to inside the world's top 50 in the live rankings.

Her slice-heavy style of play, accurate serving and ability to disguise her drop shots have infuriated opponent after opponent, particularly big hitters Anisimova, Keys and Elena Rybakina.

Maria on 'incredible' Queen's title victory

Maria went an early break up in the first set, drawing errors out of Anisimova, before a thumping backhand winner from the American put it back on terms.

However, Maria kept Anisimova on the move, visibly frustrating her, and a netted forehand gave Maria the break back, before she served out the set with ease.

The numbers told the story, with Anisimova committing 10 unforced errors to Maria's three in the opener, and the momentum stayed with the German as she broke at the first chance in the second set.

A mammoth fourth game saw seven deuces and Maria saving two break points for 3-1, before a brilliant scamper to a drop shot in the next allowed her to go a double break up.

Anisimova, who won the WTA 1000 title in Qatar earlier this year, went for broke, pummelling her shots to rescue a break and keep in touch.

But Maria, backed by the packed crowd, kept her nerve to serve out to 30 and secure her place in Queen's history.

Maria is due to compete at the Nottingham Open, which begins on Monday, but said she will celebrate with her family first.

"This doesn't happen every week so we have to celebrate with something," she added.

"I think the kids will probably want some crepes with Nutella!"

Tatjana Maria is the oldest WTA champion since Serena Williams in 2020

The Prince and Princess of Wales have shared new photos of Prince William with their three children to mark Father's Day.

One is a portrait shot showing the prince standing with his arms around Prince George, 11,and Princess Charlotte, 10, while seven-year-old Prince Louis stands in front of him – the other is a landscape image in black and white showing the four lying on the grass laughing in an embrace.

The two photos, shared on the couple's official social media account, are accompanied with the caption "Happy Father's Day, Papa (before and after!) We love you! G, C & L" along with a heart emoji.

It comes as the family attended Trooping the Colour on Saturday celebrating the King's official birthday.

A family photo from Saturday's event was shared on the same Instagram account featuring Prince William dressed in uniform, Catherine and Charlotte in blue dresses with George and Louis in suits with red ties.

The Father's Day photos shared on Sunday were taken in Norfolk by Josh Shinner who has taken pictures of Prince William and Catherine's family before, including their Christmas card for 2023.

Last year's Father's Day photo was taken by Catherine.

It featured the prince standing with his three children, their arms around each other, looking out to sea.

The King and Queen have also wished a Happy Father's Day "to all Dads everywhere" posting photos of them with their own fathers.

A black and white image posted on their official Instagram account shows the late Prince Philip holding a swing playing with a young Charles and Princess Anne.

A second photo has also been shared of Camilla with her late father Major Bruce Shand arm-in-arm on the day of her wedding to Charles in 2005.